हिमाल खबरपत्रिका (१६-३१ असार २०६६) बाट राष्ट्रपतिको कदम लोकतन्त्र, गणतन्त्र र नागरिक शासनको खिलाफको कार्य भन्दै एनेकपा (मा’वादी)ले जनतालाई आन्दोलित गर्न खोजिरहेछ। सरकार अल्पमतमा परेपछि संसदीय प्रक्रियाअन्तर्गत सत्ता त्यागेको मा’वादीका तत्पश्चात्का क्रियाकलाप गैरसंसदीय र धम्कीकेन्द्रित देखिन्छन्। हातबाट राज्यशक्ति गुमेको सन्दर्भमा आफ्ना कार्यकर्तालाई आश्वस्त पार्न उसले यस्तो गरेको हो भनेर चित्त बुझ्ाउनुपर्ने अवस्था छ। किनकि सरकारमा
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हिमाल खबरपत्रिका (१६-३१ बैशाख २०६६) बाट परम्परागत घरहरूमा काठका झयाल हुन्थे या आँखीझयाल। एक शताब्दीअघि सिसा भित्रिएपछि पहिले महल र दरबारमा पछि सर्वसाधारणका घरका खापामा स-साना ऐना गाँसेर झयाल बनाइन थाले। गत दशकयता एक्कासी ठूला-ठूला प्लेट ग्लासलाई काठको या आल्मुनियमका खापामा राखेर झयाल र ढोकामा समेत जडान गर्ने क्रम बढ्दो छ। यसरी नयाँ प्रविधि र
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हिमाल खबरपत्रिका (१-१६ बैशाख २०६६) बाट प्रधानमन्त्री पुष्पकमल दाहालले मिडियामाथि भर्खरै जसरी मौखिक प्रहार गरे, लाग्यो नेपालको पत्रकारिताजगत एकदम बलवान् छ र एनेकपा (मा’वादी) विरुद्ध खनिइरहेको छ। तर मिडिया यत्तिको निर्बल शायद यसअघि कहिल्यै थिएन। सरकारको अकर्मण्यता तथा जबर्जस्तीतर्फ वास्तवमा उसले औँला ठड्याउनै सकेको छैन। तर पनि प्रधानमन्त्री मिडियाको सातोपुत्लो लिन तम्सेका छन्। आज छापापत्रकारिता
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FROM Nepali Times, ISSUE #434 (16 JAN 2009 – 22 JAN 2009) It was only in death that one got to know what a fine journalist Nepal had lost in Uma Singh. Working in the most lawless part of Nepal, Uma Singh was fearless with her written and spoken word. She reported in particular against
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From The Hindu (April 17, 2006) ALL OVER the subcontinent, every day, the most disadvantaged fall through the cracks. They are pummelled by the forces of state, market or feudalism. For the middle class, the political parties, or those linked to the state there is recourse although it may not be always available or efficiently
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From Counterpunch (March 31, 2005) Struggling for Nepal’s Future King Gyanendra has taken the people of Nepal on a disastrous course, using the excuse of fighting an insurgency to compromise democracy. Nepali society must be returned to complete democratic rule, which also provides the only means to tackle the raging rebellion and promote social and
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From The Hindu (Feb 03, 2005) WHEN KING Gyanendra of Nepal sacked the Prime Minister, Sher Bahadur Deuba, and began direct rule on February 1, 2005, he said he did so under a constitutional provision that enjoins the monarchy to uphold and protect the Constitution. While he repeated many times his commitment to constitutional monarchy
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Whether to absolve Dipendra or to indict him posthumously, it was important that everyone (conspiratorialist, rationalist, or royalist) who cared for the country demand that parliament hold hearings on the royal massacre.

From Outlook India (April 17, 2000) Just as Kargil was India’s first television war, the taking of Indian Airlines flight IC 814 was the first hijack drama of the satellite age, and the channels exploited it to the hilt. And even as the plane circled over Amritsar in the very first leg of the extended
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From Himal (July 1998) At the age of 16, Diwan Singh Bohra was forced to leave his village of Karan Karayal in Pithoragarh District of Uttar Pradesh. His father, Badri Singh, had only 10 bigah of degraded hilly land, which did not produce enough to support a family of six children. So, Diwan Singh went
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